Monthly Archives: October 2008

The manner in which a small group of radical Islamists pulled down a baul monument at the airport roundabout last week speaks volumes about the path we are treading today. It is instructive to note that the government immediately backed away from taking a stance on the issue -  continuing its policy of appeasement of the religious right. This is not surprising though, since both the major parties would have perhaps done the same, whatever rhetoric we were force-fed on the local TV networks. What is far more significant is that powerful sections of the intelligentsia, the academia, and civil society have remained silent on the issue. While truncheons fall hard on the backs of garments workers demanding their back pay or students demanding restoration of their fundamental rights, the religious identity of these bigots was enough to grant them a sweeping immunity. Yes, Bangladesh is country where the dominant culture is deeply secular despite the religious fault-lines triggered by the partition some sixty years ago. And in the same breath it must be said ‘no, it will not matter, unless we pit that ideology with the one that the bigots preach.’ If we allow this depraved cabal of religious clerics to corner us over and over again, be it on the state’s women’s development policy or a sculpture ‘any sculpture ‘ we are ceding valuable public spaces in which we express diversity and dissent. In the week that has passed, a great number of people from the country’s mainstream have expressed their distress over what they see as an insult to Lalon Shah. Many say they are surprised at the ‘audacity’ of the bigots that they could attack such a potent and universal symbol of our culture and tradition. Don’t be surprised, this is the new milepost. When a women’s rights group attempted a public protest, the government was suddenly all too eager to enforce the Emergency Powers Rules, and they were denied a public platform. Once again, there was a murmur of protest, but those whose call to arms to defend the constitutionally guaranteed equality of the sexes would have mattered often stayed silent – for fear and for convenience. Now, Lalon Shah is just the new milepost.The reality that is emerging is that those who have a stake in power, or are beneficiaries of the existing power structure, will not take the lead in speaking up – and they have too much invested to make a choice that may prove politically unpopular. There are those, however, who have spoken up. A broad spectrum of artistes and cultural activists banded together on the Dhaka University campus for much of the past week and campaigned against what they saw as an invasion of the cultural space by the religious right. The numbers of people this programme attracted was a heartening testimony to the mass appeal of the counterargument to religious radicalism and intolerance.

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THE attack on the baul sculpture is not an attack on religion or values, let alone culture, but is a description of the political mess we have landed into. Bigots and murderers, social misfits and traitors have taken centre stage, thanks to the policy of political convenience of our leadership. If the present government had any moral authority which they claim through their Anti-Corruption Commission and Truth and Accountability Commission activities, it would have taken a position on a piece of heritage art it had itself commissioned and stood by it. Instead, it ran away fearing a backlash from the same group it has given indulgence to including their street agitation against rights of women even as it assiduously claimed no politics was allowed under the emergency. It is a sorry reminder that the elite class is so mentally bankrupt that they are unable to take a position on what is a religious and what is a political standpoint. By allowing the same forces that have continuously made advances against the cultural icons of the people, we have morphed into becoming a race without identity and confidence. One wishes that the debate was about a statue or two and limited only to disagreements about whether it constitutes an inadmissible act as per scriptures but, as it happens in the world of politics, it is essentially about carving out a space for those who see in this act a victory of their views and an endorsement of their belief that the forces against extremism are weak and flabby, unable to defend themselves. It seems we have been sending that message for a long time and the latest is once again a statement of our enfeeblement and their strength. If only they had broad support in society! Had they had that, they would have been in power by now. For the moment, nervous governments will do for them.

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The word ‘democracy’ can be manipulated and moulded into a matter of convenience. It has become, in Bangladesh, an empty word stamped on the country’s ‘international file’, a smile on a mad clown’s face. ‘Human Rights’ can be said to be examined, probed, and discussed to their fullest extent, in order to keep the world’s tired ears, now merely attuned to these proper catch phrases, dulled. The word ‘democracy,’ in the sense of majority rule, doesn’t provide a foolproof guarantee that human rights will be respected. Surely, democratic process requires a government to be publicly justified at every step save in the interests of national security: transparency. The processes of the government must be open to public scrutiny if a democracy is to function. But in addition to instilling a true democratic process, a country committed to human rights makes itself truly accountable to other world democracies. In turn, those ‘other’ democracies in the UN must examine whether all its members are just talking sweet words. his illegitimate government functions because it has no fear, because the world does not instil fear into it, because when the world hears of a National Human Rights Commission being established, a commission that is akin to a carnival mask, the world only wants (or tries) to see this mask. Ultimately, the current Bangladeshi government wards off international critics, allowing those in power to continue with impunity. As New Age reported on September 3 in ‘A toothless human rights commission’, human rights violations are ‘too serious an offence to be left for arbitration or alternative dispute resolution. Any act of human rights violation should be tried in a court of law and the perpetrator punished; there should be no two ways about it.’ The editorial goes on to state the harsh truth: political interest of Bangladesh in human rights is ‘correlated with funding from foreign lending agencies; [the past governments] have only done so much as can ensure uninterrupted flow of external development assistance,’ and the current is no exception.

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True, Pakistan does have a newly elected president, Asif Ali Zardari, but let’s not kid ourselves about his ability (or even desire) to turn his country around. During his last stint in office (as minister of investment in the government led by his late wife, Bhutto), Zardari became known as “Mr. Ten Percent” for his alleged propensity for skimming funds from lucrative government contracts. And Zardari’s probable replacement, former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, may be even more corrupt and incompetent. Simply put, Pakistan is facing an existential crisis — on its streets and in its courts, barracks and parliament. American pundits and politicians might be hoping for the best for the country whose lawless border regions are widely thought to harbor Osama bin Laden and other al-Qaeda leaders. But I don’t see much chance of a happy turnaround. If, as both John McCain and Barack Obama have claimed, a strong, dependable Pakistan is the key to winning the war in Afghanistan, then we are waging an unwinnable war.

So can Pakistan be reformed, or is it doomed to collapse? Despite the country’s post-Musharraf return to civilian rule, its prospects are grim. As of last month, the ISI has a new leader, Lt. Gen. Ahmed Shuja Pasha, handpicked by the army chief of staff, Gen. Ashfaq Kiyani, to replace a predecessor whom Bush administration officials suspected of having ties to the Taliban. But there is little reason to believe that Zardari’s weak, fractious government will be able to reform the ISI. In July, according to the Economist, Prime Minister Yousaf Raza Gillani “tried to bring the ISI under the control of the interior ministry. His decision was reversed within hours.”

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Some Bangladeshis ’still carried away by the present military-backed caretaker government’s drive against corruption ‘ may think that it will help clean up corruption. As a blogger had commented in drishtipat: ‘Like driver’s license renewal or getting cars inspection every year, the national ID card… will have huge impact on and spectacular change in the society.’ Those pro-ID cards probably don’t know that computer disks containing detailed personal information on 25 million individuals, and 7.25 million families in Britain, went missing last year. Personal information included names, addresses, national insurance numbers, and data on almost every child under 16. According to experts, the information ‘could allow crimes beyond identity theft,’ since some people use a child’s name or part of their address as password on their bank account. In other words, a combination of these details could allow criminals to break their code. Another critic says, if a government or criminal wanted to frame someone, amending, erasing, or adding to the details on one’s medical records, employment history, could be easily done, since all information would be stored on a single device.

Khushi Kabir had left a comment on my column at Shahidul’s blog, speaking of her own disturbing experiences: ‘What was also worrying was the religious and other profiling done, albeit arbitrarily in majority of cases, despite that this information was not asked for in the form filled up prior to getting photographed or finger printed. My big teep must have confused them, so they asked for my religion, which I did not find necessary to provide them, or any other information that was not on the form. Others were not asked but religion was put on the basis of their ‘assumption’. When challenged as to why they needed my religion or to keep it blank they stated that they were required by the ‘authorities’ to profile it. Shireen Huq had a similar experience. They informed her there was only space for four religions in the database, i.e. Muslim, Hindu, Buddhist and Christian. No scope for others. This kind of information can be potentially frightening.’

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India has long been looking for an opportunity to flex its muscles in the Afghanistan imbroglio. It has been traditionally using the Afghan card to spell gloom and doom in Pakistan. As early as the 1962 Sino-Indian conflict, India urged the then Afghan government to deploy its armed forces along the Durand Line to dissuade Pakistan from any adventurism against India and exploit its weakness when it was being routed by the Chinese along Ladakh. During the 1965 and 1971 Pakistan-Indian wars too, Afghanistan sided with India. During the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan in the decade of seventies, Pakistan became a front-line state and with the help of USA and its allies, helped thwart the Soviet invasion and limited to the Durand Line and ultimately force the Soviets into retreat. India aided the Soviet secret service KGB and Afghan spy agency Khad to attempt to destabilize Pakistan through sabotage, sedition, subversion and acts of terrorism. The seeds of rebellion were sown in Balochistan, the fires of which are now again being stoked by Indian spy agency RAW. The advent of Taliban Rule in Afghanistan threw a damper on Indian machinations to use Afghan soil to destabilize Pakistan; however, 9/11 provided a fresh impetus to Indian nefarious aims towards Pakistan. Since its erstwhile allies the Northern Alliance rose to power in Afghanistan, following the US-led invasion, India made the most of it by deploying Indian personnel working on various projects with the Afghan people and government for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the country. There are approximately 3,000-4,000 Indian nationals working on several such projects across Afghanistan. India has committed aid to Afghanistan in the 2002-09 period amounting to $750 million, making it the fifth largest bilateral donor after the United States, Britain, Japan and Germany. India has used these trade centers and its four Consulates to man with RAW and its four Consulates to man with RAW personnel to hatch plots against Pakistan. Indian forces will give respite to the ISAF and NATO forces but sink the Indians deep into the Afghan quagmire. The choice is theirs if they want to face the humiliation and ignominy of another disaster.

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U.S. is deliberately creating opportunities for terrorism inside Pakistan. The objective is to create a situation where a U.S. political and military intervention in Pakistan becomes inevitable. Segments of the Pakistani ‘leadership’ are part of this agenda, since it cannot be completed without inside help. Pakistani Pashtuns, the most loyal citizens of Pakistan, are being turned into rebels.  If the present trend continues, we may eventually confront a civil war across the country. This is exactly the situation the U.S. is seeking so that it can intervene and establish a puppet regime in Islamabad. Is anyone In Islamabad or Rawalpindi paying attention? Clearly, it involves the U.S. creating space within the tribal areas to move in militarily and eventually restructure the whole Muslim nuclear entity of Pakistan. Attacking civilians and thereby creating chaos and panic which would inevitably lead to a mass displacement and add to the pressure on the central government in Islamabad. Also, knowing full well – after all if we can conclude that such killings will create more space for extremists and terrorists, one can assume the U.S. analysts and advisers must have done the same – that by unleashing a war against our tribals and abusing our sovereignty they will create more space for the terrorists; and thereby more reasons to further destabilize us from outside while we face increasing attacks from our home-grown terrorists. Let us not fool ourselves – the U.S. is no friend but a powerful enemy and its ultimate aim is to defang us in terms of our nuclear assets. Already the statements have become more honed in terms of our nuclear assets – both directly, in terms of a bizarre fear that our nukes will fall into “terrorist” hands even though it is the U.S. that seems to have a problem of loose nukes (remember the U.S. planes flying with such weapons only last year?); and, indirectly, by having their politicians and some international agencies build up a crescendo of Pakistan being the most dangerous country in the world and a new “war zone”.

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The quality of violence characterizing Bangladeshi society at all levels today has an irreducibly political context. Overt and visible violence has been coexisting with invisible violence that in effect destroys the identity of human beings. Visible violence being situational can be dealt by law and order solutions through political intervention. In Bangladesh today, we are witnessing the politics of violence, which in practical terms means resorting to physical violence to promote a political objective. We also observe violence of politics which denotes violence built into the institutional structure of politics. Although our major political parties would deny the existence of violence of politics the people see violence in all politics. The events necessitating 1/11 of 2007 lend credence to the premonition of our citizens. The much discussed phenomena of terrorism may be viewed as the illegal use of violence for inflicting punishment or taking revenge or influencing behavioural change. The roots of political terrorism require careful analysis. The skeptics would say that in defining terrorism there is a bias against people and in favour of governments. Of late, religious zealotry has been a source of terror. Often, there is an expression of anger and a sense of betrayal. Underlying some violent actions are government policies that have failed to address the democratic concerns of the citizens. There is, thus a need, to ensure that State agencies do not go beyond the legal boundaries.

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